1. drawing for beloved 3CR http://www.3cr.org.au

  2. benjuers:

    Overland are celebrating their 60th year of publication, so I’m really stoked that they’d include this toon in their new issue. They’re a top-notch literary journal and you should maybe, y’know, think about, y’know, subscribing?…….DO IT.

  3. click the image to read this article. i can’t recommend it highly enough.

  4. i’m drawing a long comic about the minimum wage for the australian council of trade unions. the caption accompanying this drawing will read “without workers in unions, australia would become a country full of people always working, but always poor”. i’ve been having fun playing with the scrolling function - i remember reading a review of Maus that said that the reason it worked so well is because it had to be a comic - that story couldn’t really be told in any other medium, n that’s what made it so great. i’ve been trying to think of ways of presenting comics online where they have to be on a screen to work, they couldn’t work elsewhere. someone asked if i wanted to make that serco comic into a book, but it would only really work as a long paper scroll, heh

  6. ianmahler:



  7. detail from the latest ‘ashtrayan hishtry through political cartoons’ spread, from the upcoming issue of ‘the lifted brow’. this is one of the seven old cartoons tuna and goth whitlam discuss. the second image is a portrait from 1834, of four of the six tolpuddle martyrs sent to the penal colony of australia for undertaking non-violent industrial action.

    you can read more about this chapter of worker’s history here:

    (note that ‘The Anti-Transportation Movement’ section of this account glosses over the explicit racism of the trade union movement of the day, and attempts to frame the push for restrictions on free movement across borders as a mere symptom of an industrial struggle, rather than indicative of prevailing white-supremacy. aside from that, it’s a good read i think)

    "The first industrial action in Australia occurred in 1791 when convicts went on "strike", demanding that they receive rations daily instead of weekly. In England meanwhile, the country was in chaos, largely caused by the invention of the steam engine and the social and industrial upheaval resulting therefrom. This chaos produced a steady stream of convicts to Australia, primarily for the crimes of Trade Unionism and the poverty and desperation that the birth of the Industrial Age was causing.


    The Luddites were a group of convicts transported to the Colony of New South Wales for organizing bands of handicraftsmen to riot and destroy the textile machinery that was displacing them. The movement began in the vicinity of Nottingham toward the end of 1811 and in the next year spread to Yorkshire, Lancashire, Derbyshire, and Leicestershire.

    The “Ludds”, as they were commonly referred to, generally wore masks and operated at night. Their leader, real or imaginary, was known as King Ludd. They generally avoided violence against persons and often enjoyed local support for that reason.

    In 1812 a band of Luddites was shot down under the orders of a threatened employer named Horsfall (who was afterward murdered in reprisal).  The government of Robert Banks Jenkinson, 2nd Earl of Liverpool, instituted severe repressive measures culminating in a mass trial at York in 1813, which resulted in many hangings and transportations. Similar rioting in 1816 was caused by the depression that followed the Napoleonic Wars; but the movement was soon ended by vigorous repression and the revival of the economy.

    The Colonial authorities were aware of events in England and made attempts to prevent such Luddite-like behaviour in Australia. In 1828 the Masters and Servants Act of NSW provided that: “servants could be imprisoned and have their wages forfeited for refusal to work or for destruction of property”, while on  the other hand, masters found guilty of ill-usage were only liable to pay damages of up to 6 months wages.

    Australian workers, especially South Australian miners and shop assistants, who were free, but also skilled urban tradesmen in the other colonies who were overwhelmingly assigned convicts were also taking collective action over their working conditions at this time. 

    In 1822 James Straighter, convict shepherd, was sentenced to 500 lashes, one month solitary confinement on bread and water, and five years penal servitude for: “inciting his Masters’ servants to combine for the purposes of obliging him to raise the wages and increase their rations”. In 1829 typographers, supported by carpenters, successfully struck against currency reform, which was  threatening the value of their wages.

    The Last Labourers’ Revolt

    Back in the Mother Country, a slump in the English economy and a rise in the price of staple foods toward the end of the 1820s brought forth more political unrest that, after 1830, landed the largest single group of industrial protesters in Australia. These “criminals” were sent to Australia because they believed in their right to honestly work to feed their families.  Most of them were tried and convicted in the southern counties, where farm wages were lowest.

    The figurehead around whom they rallied was, again, a possibly fictional leader to whom custom gave the name of Captain Swing. He was a bogeyman to the propertied class, and in his name threatening letters were tacked on gateposts and shoved under front doors in the dead of night. These were known as the “Swing Letters” and the disturbances they promised were dubbed “The Last Labourers’ Revolt”.

    Captain Swing stood for several issues. He expressed grievances against the loss of common land by the policy of Enclosure and he also protested against high wheat prices; but the principle issue behind the Swing Riots was mechanisation. The impact of steam-driven farm machinery on unskilled rural labour was disastrous. One threshing-machine, rented out and hauled from farm to farm, could put a hundred men out of seasonal work. The farm worker in 1830 saw this as a cruel denial of his natural right to work. So, like the Luddites before them, the Swing Rioters went for the machines, breaking the rollers, holing the boilers, jamming the gears with crowbars. 

    The rioting of 1830-31 spread rapidly across the southern counties of England, where rural wages were about one-third the national average. Men marched, burned and broke machines in Kent and Surrey, Shropshire and Lincolnshire, Berkshire, Wiltshire, Hampshire, Essex, Oxfordshire, Dorset and Norfolk.

    These “curiously indecisive and un-bloodthirsty mobs” were harshly met by Lord Grey’s new Whig government. It offered the enormous reward of £500 for the capture and conviction of arsonists and machine-breakers, and it also sent army detachments and locally organised posses against them. Some counties raised their own squads of mounted yeomanry to ride down the protesters; and all the while Lord Melbourne was enjoining his magistrates to maintain “a firm resistance to all demands.”

    To frighten protesters, the Whig government now began an orgy of prosecution.  Nearly 2,000 insurgents were tried in 34 counties. Of these, 252 were sentenced to death but, in the usual way of showing “Royal Mercy”, only 19 of them were actually hanged and the rest had their sentences commuted to prison or transportation. In this roundup, 481 Swing followers were shipped out to Australia, for terms of seven or fourteen years.

    The Tolpuddle Martyrs

    The Tolpuddle Martyrs were undoubtedly the most famous trade unionists to be transported. They were six English farm labourers who were sentenced in March 1834 to seven years’ transportation to the penal colony in Australia for organizing trade union activities in the Dorsetshire village of Tolpuddle. Their leaders, George and James Loveless (or Lovelace), established a lodge of the Friendly Society of Agricultural Labourers.

    The Whig government, alarmed at the depth of working-class discontent, arrested six Tolpuddle labourers, the Loveless brothers, James Brine, Thomas Stanfield and his son John, and James Hammett, ostensibly for administering unlawful oaths but actually for combining to protect their already meagre wages. What makes the Tolpuddle Martyrs so very different from all other trade unionists sent to Australia up until that time was the total absence of violence. Nevertheless, they were convicted and sentenced by a hostile judge and jury, and duly transported.

    The six men instantly became popular heroes. There was an immediate public reaction in all parts of the country, particularly in London, where there were large-scale demonstrations. The government largely ignored this popular sentiment, and it was not until March 1836 that their sentences were finally remitted.

    The Currency Lads and Lasses

    At about this time gold was discovered in New South Wales, a development which caused alarm in the Colony, especially among the ruling class. It threatened a mass migration of free settlers that would destroy the convict slavery-based economy of the day and weaken the privileged place of the officer class and the landed gentry. As a result, the relevant governors refused to register the finds.

    Also in the 1830’s another phenomena was occurring that would have a huge bearing on the development of Australia’s economy and the organisation of labour in New South Wales. A new group or class was emerging, the currency lads and lasses. They were the free-born children of the convicts and evictees, so named because of their unique habit of demanding payment in cash for their labour. At the same time assigned convicts were being told that their rations were their “wages”. The system was facilitated by the  Masters and Servants Act, which was then being used to conceal what amounted to wholesale slavery in Australia. 

    Skilled people were desperately needed to build and run the economy but the authorities found that they had to offer inducements of wages and conditions to make assigned convicts to utilise their trade skills. On the other hand, the convict obviously did not want to be imprisoned and the employment of his trade skill was one of the few ways he had available to provide himself with a comfortable life. Thus this tension was being played out, with assigned convicts pretending to be free men in employment while the bosses and cockies preferring to treat all workers as convict slaves.

    The currency lads and lasses were free of the shadow of the scourge. And with this new constituency to support the skilled convict workforce, things gradually started to become more organised. Between 1828 and 1850 workers established about 100 trade societies in Australia. Trade union formation peaked in the late 1830s, declined with the 1840’s depression, and revived in the second half of that decade. Generally, though, these early trade societies collapsed within a few years. They were usually tied to a particular town and they had very small memberships—the average was probably between thirty and sixty members.

    These unions were mainly confined to skilled tradesmen, but there were exceptions. Indentured Chinese shepherds in Western Australia formed a club in 1842-3 to provide friendly society benefits and protection against a recently revised Masters and Servants Act, while South Australian shop assistants established organisations to fight for early closing, or a shorter working day, in the late 1840s. Even so it has been estimated that there was probably no more than 1,000 trade unionists in the whole of Australia at any one time prior to 1850.

    In colonial Australia these early unions generally operated in pubs—which were the major meeting places for workers at that time, especially in Sydney—because pubs provided an additional advantage over other venues.  While constables attended all public gatherings held elsewhere, they were not permitted to enter pubs.

    The Anti-Transportation Movement

    Selective free immigration was being used extensively to fill the skill gaps in the local economy but also as a bargaining chip in labour negotiations, so immigration became the subject of union action. Similarly, the use of convict labour to weaken the power of the free workers was commonplace, so the transportation of convicts also became a matter of union interest. As the free population grew as a percentage of the total, so too did the issues they were dealing with. Large numbers of workers from different trades combined to take political action on issues such a immigration, unemployment, convict labour and the Masters and Servants Act.

    As early as 1827 Tasmanian tradesmen formed a society in an attempt to restrict the assigned employment of convicts. In 1833 Sydney tradesmen formed the Society of Emigrant Mechanics to oppose free immigration and convict assignment. And in 1835 and again in 1847 Tasmanian workers later established organisations to fight convict transportation.

    While these actions were hardly decisive, in the 1840s transportation to New South Wales was finally discontinued and the colony began the process of evolving away from being primarily a slave-driven society towards becoming a truly free economy.

    Because they had no direct representation in the legislatures, workers had to organise petitions, hold public meetings and present deputations to get their message across. In 1840 the Society of Compositors campaigned to restrict the number of apprentices being trained but the government used convict compositors as strike-breakers. During the 1840s’ Depression, Sydney workers founded the Mutual Protection Association to  sponsor petitions against assisted immigration and convict labour;  and on another occasion at about this time one thousand women petitioned the government against job competition from female convicts who were then washing clothes at the Parramatta Female Factory. 

    In 1844 the Early Closing Movement sought the reduction of working hours from 14 to 12 per day and in 1848 political activity by the working class led to the formation of the Anti-Transportation League.

    In 1845 a Friendly Society of Carpenters and Joiners was formed in Sydney and in 1850 an Operative Stonemasons’ Society was founded in Melbourne. In 1851 compositors set up a Typographical Association.

    In 1852 a number of prominent members of the Amalgamated Society of Engineers, who had been driven to leave Britain by victimisation back there, resolved, on board the ship bringing them here, to establish a branch of their union in the new country. Thus, by the early 1850’s trade unionism was sending down deep and durable roots into Australian soil.”


  10. "

    I remember one time I was with a friend of mine who lives in New York also, and we went to go pick up his cousin - she’s lived on a farm in New Hampshire her whole life. Her family is this weird family that kept their kids on a farm - anyway, her parents finally died, so she got to leave, and so she came down to visit her cousin, my friend in the city, and so we picked her up at port authority bus station.

    She had never been to any city before. And we’re picking her up at the Port Authority, that smelly hole of a place. We pick her up there and she’s just freaking out at New York. She’s never seen anything like it. And we pass this homeless guy and she sees him — I mean, we all passed him, but she saw him. She’s the only one who actually saw him. We didn’t— me and her cousin were like, “So? He’s supposed to be there. So what? There’s a perfectly good reason why that’s not me and it’s him. The right people always win, I’m suure of it.”

    But, so there he is, and this dude was particularly homeless. He was one of those high-octane homeless, smelly, just piss smell, the unbelievable piss smell, just— he was piss. He didn’t just smell like piss, he was— when you piss, he comes out. And he had dreadlocks. Not cool-guy, medical-marijuana dreadlocks, just “human-neglect clumps” of hair. A clump of hair for every year that no one knew his name or cared.

    His cousin immediately just gets “Oh, my God ! Sir, are you okay? What happened?”

    What happened? America happened.

    What do you mean, “What happened ?”

    So she’s down there

    "Sir, can we call someone ?"

    And me and my friend, we’re from New York, this is the crazy part, we immediately go to her. We start correcting her behavior like she’s doing something wrong.

    "Why, is he okay ?"

    "No, no, he needs you desperately, that’s not the point. We just don’t do that here. You silly country girl."

    —  Louis CK
  12. comic i drew for the guardian uk’s G2 section about young people in australia’s attitude to politics. the editorial team asked four cartoonists from around the world to draw something about an issue facing the youth of their country. sumit drew from india, sofia niazi from the uk, and the waraq collective from lebananon drew for it also, it’s worth a look click here if u want to see the other pieces.


  15. a few small panels from a new comic i drew for the upcoming weekend edition of the guardian uk, about young people in australia and our relationship to politics. good noam chomsky quote :-)